1. The world is a dangerous place to live — not because of the people who are evil but because of the people who don't do anything about it. — Albert Einstein

2. The quickest way of ending a war is to lose it. — George Orwell

3. History teaches that war begins when governments believe the price of aggression is cheap. — Ronald Reagan

4. The terror most people are concerned with is the IRS. — Malcolm Forbes

5. There is nothing so incompetent, ineffective, arrogant, expensive, and wasteful as an unreasonable, unaccountable, and unrepentant government monopoly. — A Patriot

6. Visualize World Peace — Through Firepower!

7. Nothing says sincerity like a Carrier Strike Group and a U.S. Marine Air-Ground Task Force.

8. One cannot be reasoned out of a position that he has not first been reasoned into.

2015-05-18

Why We Went To War In Iraq.

NOTE: The Public Law that authorized war against Iraq in 2002 never stated that Iraq had nuclear weapons at that time.  Nonetheless, it was clear, according to intelligence reports at the time, that Iraq had a clear desire to develop a nuclear weapon capability.  Read Public Law 107-243 below for the reasons that we went to war with Iraq. 

PUBLIC LAW 107–243—OCT. 16, 2002

AUTHORIZATION FOR USE OF MILITARY 
FORCE AGAINST IRAQ RESOLUTION OF 2002 


116 STAT. 1498 PUBLIC LAW 107–243—OCT. 16, 2002 

Oct. 16, 2002 

[H.J. Res. 114] 
Public Law 107–243 

107th Congress 
Joint Resolution 

To authorize the use of United States Armed Forces against Iraq. 

Whereas in 1990 in response to Iraq’s war of aggression against 
and illegal occupation of Kuwait, the United States forged a 
coalition of nations to liberate Kuwait and its people in order 
to defend the national security of the United States and enforce 
United Nations Security Council resolutions relating to Iraq; 

Whereas after the liberation of Kuwait in 1991, Iraq entered into 
a United Nations sponsored cease-fire agreement pursuant to 
which Iraq unequivocally agreed, among other things, to eliminate 
its nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons programs and the 
means to deliver and develop them, and to end its support for 
international terrorism; 

Whereas the efforts of international weapons inspectors, United 
States intelligence agencies, and Iraqi defectors led to the discovery 
that Iraq had large stockpiles of chemical weapons and 
a large scale biological weapons program, and that Iraq had 
an advanced nuclear weapons development program that was 
much closer to producing a nuclear weapon than intelligence 
reporting had previously indicated; 

Whereas Iraq, in direct and flagrant violation of the cease-fire, 
attempted to thwart the efforts of weapons inspectors to identify 
and destroy Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction stockpiles and 
development capabilities, which finally resulted in the withdrawal 
of inspectors from Iraq on October 31, 1998; 

Whereas in Public Law 105–235 (August 14, 1998), Congress concluded 
that Iraq’s continuing weapons of mass destruction programs 
threatened vital United States interests and international 
peace and security, declared Iraq to be in ‘‘material and unacceptable 
breach of its international obligations’’ and urged the President 
‘‘to take appropriate action, in accordance with the Constitution 
and relevant laws of the United States, to bring Iraq into 
compliance with its international obligations’’; 

Whereas Iraq both poses a continuing threat to the national security 
of the United States and international peace and security in 
the Persian Gulf region and remains in material and unacceptable 
breach of its international obligations by, among other things, 
continuing to possess and develop a significant chemical and 
biological weapons capability, actively seeking a nuclear weapons 
capability, and supporting and harboring terrorist organizations; 

Whereas Iraq persists in violating resolution of the United Nations 
Security Council by continuing to engage in brutal repression 
of its civilian population thereby threatening international peace 
and security in the region, by refusing to release, repatriate, 
or account for non-Iraqi citizens wrongfully detained by Iraq, 
including an American serviceman, and by failing to return property 
wrongfully seized by Iraq from Kuwait; 

Whereas the current Iraqi regime has demonstrated its capability 
and willingness to use weapons of mass destruction against other 
nations and its own people; 

Whereas the current Iraqi regime has demonstrated its continuing 
hostility toward, and willingness to attack, the United States, 
including by attempting in 1993 to assassinate former President 
Bush and by firing on many thousands of occasions on United 
States and Coalition Armed Forces engaged in enforcing the 
resolutions of the United Nations Security Council; 

Whereas members of al Qaida, an organization bearing responsibility 
for attacks on the United States, its citizens, and interests, 
including the attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, are 
known to be in Iraq; 

Whereas Iraq continues to aid and harbor other international terrorist 
organizations, including organizations that threaten the 
lives and safety of United States citizens; 

Whereas the attacks on the United States of September 11, 2001, 
underscored the gravity of the threat posed by the acquisition 
of weapons of mass destruction by international terrorist 
organizations; 

Whereas Iraq’s demonstrated capability and willingness to use 
weapons of mass destruction, the risk that the current Iraqi 
regime will either employ those weapons to launch a surprise 
attack against the United States or its Armed Forces or provide 
them to international terrorists who would do so, and the extreme 
magnitude of harm that would result to the United States and 
its citizens from such an attack, combine to justify action by 
the United States to defend itself; 

Whereas United Nations Security Council Resolution 678 (1990) 
authorizes the use of all necessary means to enforce United 
Nations Security Council Resolution 660 (1990) and subsequent 
relevant resolutions and to compel Iraq to cease certain activities 
that threaten international peace and security, including the 
development of weapons of mass destruction and refusal or 
obstruction of United Nations weapons inspections in violation 
of United Nations Security Council Resolution 687 (1991), repression 
of its civilian population in violation of United Nations 
Security Council Resolution 688 (1991), and threatening its neighbors 
or United Nations operations in Iraq in violation of United 
Nations Security Council Resolution 949 (1994); 

Whereas in the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against 
Iraq Resolution (Public Law 102–1), Congress has authorized 
the President ‘‘to use United States Armed Forces pursuant to 
United Nations Security Council Resolution 678 (1990) in order 
to achieve implementation of Security Council Resolution 660, 
661, 662, 664, 665, 666, 667, 669, 670, 674, and 677’’; 

Whereas in December 1991, Congress expressed its sense that 
it ‘‘supports the use of all necessary means to achieve the goals 
of United Nations Security Council Resolution 687 as being consistent 
with the Authorization of Use of Military Force Against 

Iraq Resolution (Public Law 102–1),’’ that Iraq’s repression of 
its civilian population violates United Nations Security Council 
Resolution 688 and ‘‘constitutes a continuing threat to the peace, 
security, and stability of the Persian Gulf region,’’ and that Congress, 
‘‘supports the use of all necessary means to achieve the 
goals of United Nations Security Council Resolution 688’’; 

Whereas the Iraq Liberation Act of 1998 (Public Law 105–338) 
expressed the sense of Congress that it should be the policy 
of the United States to support efforts to remove from power 
the current Iraqi regime and promote the emergence of a democratic 
government to replace that regime; 

Whereas on September 12, 2002, President Bush committed the 
United States to ‘‘work with the United Nations Security Council 
to meet our common challenge’’ posed by Iraq and to ‘‘work 
for the necessary resolutions,’’ while also making clear that ‘‘the 
Security Council resolutions will be enforced, and the just 
demands of peace and security will be met, or action will be 
unavoidable’’; 

Whereas the United States is determined to prosecute the war 
on terrorism and Iraq’s ongoing support for international terrorist 
groups combined with its development of weapons of mass 
destruction in direct violation of its obligations under the 1991 
cease-fire and other United Nations Security Council resolutions 
make clear that it is in the national security interests of the 
United States and in furtherance of the war on terrorism that 
all relevant United Nations Security Council resolutions be 
enforced, including through the use of force if necessary; 

Whereas Congress has taken steps to pursue vigorously the war 
on terrorism through the provision of authorities and funding 
requested by the President to take the necessary actions against 
international terrorists and terrorist organizations, including 
those nations, organizations, or persons who planned, authorized, 
committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 
11, 2001, or harbored such persons or organizations; 

Whereas the President and Congress are determined to continue 
to take all appropriate actions against international terrorists 
and terrorist organizations, including those nations, organizations, 
or persons who planned, authorized, committed, or aided 
the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, or 
harbored such persons or organizations; 

Whereas the President has authority under the Constitution to 
take action in order to deter and prevent acts of international 
terrorism against the United States, as Congress recognized in 
the joint resolution on Authorization for Use of Military Force 
(Public Law 107–40); and 

Whereas it is in the national security interests of the United States 
to restore international peace and security to the Persian Gulf 
region: Now, therefore, be it 

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
United States of America in Congress assembled, 

SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE. 

This joint resolution may be cited as the ‘‘Authorization for 
Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002’’. 

SEC. 2. SUPPORT FOR UNITED STATES DIPLOMATIC EFFORTS. 

The Congress of the United States supports the efforts by 
the President to— 

(1) strictly enforce through the United Nations Security 
Council all relevant Security Council resolutions regarding Iraq 
and encourages him in those efforts; and 

(2) obtain prompt and decisive action by the Security 
Council to ensure that Iraq abandons its strategy of delay, 
evasion and noncompliance and promptly and strictly complies 
with all relevant Security Council resolutions regarding Iraq. 

SEC. 3. AUTHORIZATION FOR USE OF UNITED STATES ARMED FORCES. 

(a) AUTHORIZATION.—The President is authorized to use the 
Armed Forces of the United States as he determines to be necessary 
and appropriate in order to— 

(1) defend the national security of the United States against 
the continuing threat posed by Iraq; and 

(2) enforce all relevant United Nations Security Council 
resolutions regarding Iraq. 

(b) PRESIDENTIAL DETERMINATION.—In connection with the 
exercise of the authority granted in subsection (a) to use force 
the President shall, prior to such exercise or as soon thereafter 
as may be feasible, but no later than 48 hours after exercising 
such authority, make available to the Speaker of the House of 
Representatives and the President pro tempore of the Senate his 
determination that— 

(1) reliance by the United States on further diplomatic 
or other peaceful means alone either (A) will not adequately 
protect the national security of the United States against the 
continuing threat posed by Iraq or (B) is not likely to lead 
to enforcement of all relevant United Nations Security Council 
resolutions regarding Iraq; and 

(2) acting pursuant to this joint resolution is consistent 
with the United States and other countries continuing to take 
the necessary actions against international terrorist and terrorist 
organizations, including those nations, organizations, or 
persons who planned, authorized, committed or aided the terrorist 
attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001. 

(c) WAR POWERS RESOLUTION REQUIREMENTS.— 

(1) SPECIFIC STATUTORY AUTHORIZATION.—Consistent with 
section 8(a)(1) of the War Powers Resolution, the Congress 
declares that this section is intended to constitute specific statutory 
authorization within the meaning of section 5(b) of the 
War Powers Resolution. 

(2) APPLICABILITY OF OTHER REQUIREMENTS.—Nothing in 
this joint resolution supersedes any requirement of the War 
Powers Resolution. 

SEC. 4. REPORTS TO CONGRESS. 

(a) REPORTS.—The President shall, at least once every 60 days, President. 
submit to the Congress a report on matters relevant to this joint 
resolution, including actions taken pursuant to the exercise of 
authority granted in section 3 and the status of planning for efforts 
that are expected to be required after such actions are completed, 
including those actions described in section 7 of the Iraq Liberation 
Act of 1998 (Public Law 105–338). 

(b) SINGLE CONSOLIDATED REPORT.—To the extent that the 
submission of any report described in subsection (a) coincides with 
the submission of any other report on matters relevant to this 
joint resolution otherwise required to be submitted to Congress 
pursuant to the reporting requirements of the War Powers Resolution 
(Public Law 93–148), all such reports may be submitted as 
a single consolidated report to the Congress. 

(c) RULE OF CONSTRUCTION.—To the extent that the information 
required by section 3 of the Authorization for Use of Military 
Force Against Iraq Resolution (Public Law 102–1) is included in 
the report required by this section, such report shall be considered 
as meeting the requirements of section 3 of such resolution. 

Approved October 16, 2002. 

LEGISLATIVE HISTORY—H.J. Res. 114 (S.J. Res. 45) (S.J. Res. 46): 

HOUSE REPORTS: No. 107–721 (Comm. on International Relations). 

CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, Vol. 148 (2002): 

Oct. 8, 9, considered in House. 

Oct. 10, considered and passed House and Senate. 
WEEKLY COMPILATION OF PRESIDENTIAL DOCUMENTS, Vol. 38 (2002): 

Oct. 16, Presidential remarks and statement. 





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