Is Senate Majority Whip Durbin therefore correct, when he dismisses the McConnell amendment [1] as a meaningless political stunt?
“These Republicans are duty-bound to offer this repeal amendment,” Durbin told reporters. “They did it in the House; they’re going to do it in the Senate; and we’ll just deal with it.”Leader McConnell is undoubtedly thinking longer term. The path to repeal is straightforward and, while difficult, achievable:
- Keep up the pressure in 2011 and 2012:
- maintain and strengthen Republican unity toward full repeal;
- repeatedly attack the bill legislatively on all fronts, knowing that most votes will pass the House and fail in the Senate;
- continue legal pressure through the courts; and
- tee up repeal as a key partisan difference in the 2012 Presidential and Congressional elections;
- In 2012 win the White House, hold the House majority, and pick up a net 3 Republican Senate seats to retake the majority there; and
- In 2013, use reconciliation to repeal ObamaCare, requiring only a simple majority in the Senate.
At the moment Democrats are hanging their hat on the CBO-scored deficit reduction associated with the two laws. This CBO score means that a straight repeal amendment faces a Budget Act point of order and therefore needs 60 votes to succeed. If Republicans were in 2013 to try to repeal the laws as-is, CBO would score them with increasing the deficit. That’s not impossible to do through reconciliation, but it’s a trickier path.
Still, this is a solvable problem. The best policy way to address this would be to leave some (most?) of the Medicare savings in place, and not repeal them. I’d also favor leaving the “Cadillac tax” on high cost health plans in place.
I think Republicans would be unlikely to choose this path, because it would disrupt their clean policy message and legislative strategy to repeal all of ObamaCare. If I’m right, they could include in the reconciliation bill other spending cuts that more than offset the CBO-scored deficit increase. Technically, the Senate Budget Committee Chairman could also overrule CBO scoring, but why give Democrats the rhetorical advantage of a perceived process abuse? Republicans correctly insist that we need to slow spending growth, and they could here turn a tactical disadvantage into a legislative opportunity to further cut spending.
DC Democrats are right that repeal won’t happen this week, even with a Republican House. They should worry, though, because there is a clear and achievable path to repeal just two years from now, and the McConnell amendment moves down that path.
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